【评】
西方主流文化推动“快乐童年/少年/青年",结果孩子们的学习成绩普遍比不上移民家庭的孩子。
下面这篇文章认为,是精英学校制度造成了这种局面。。。我擦!
由此可见,所谓“评论家”,往往也见识短浅。
Baopu He 只是一名在校大学生,逻辑思考能力强几十倍:
http://www.smh.com.au/comment/baopu-he-the-fraught-debate-about-educational-inequality-20180112-h0hp8e.html
PS: 个人觉得,所谓对“快乐童年/少年/青年"的推崇,往往是家长自己想偷懒。
【转】
https://www.1688.com.au/headlines/headline_carousel/2018/01/10/265143/
话题:精英学校破坏了澳洲的公立教育
发布日期:2018-01-10 19:45:55
新州一直在扩大精英学校的数量,在澳洲几乎可以说只有这一个州如此,而这一过程往往会引发人们讨论增加选择和迎合有天赋和有才能的学生的必要性。每一次政府增加精英学校,我们当地的学生就又少了一所普通学校,而且给其他学校和学生整体成绩带来了连带的损害。
直到现在,教育部、历届政府、甚至是顶尖的教育集团都长期忽视了精英学校的弊端。眼下新州教育厅长希望打开这些学校的大门,解决学生的容纳问题。
这是一个切实的问题。在悉尼一些地方,家庭在当地没有综合公立中学,只有竞争激烈的精英学校,比如悉尼女子高中、男子高中和音乐学院中学。其他一些公立高中也人满为患,一些半精英中学的存在使得这种情况恶化,例如纽新城表演艺术中学(Newtown High School of Performing Arts)和亚历山大公园社区学校。对于许多想要进入当地公立教育系统的悉尼内城区家庭来说,择校已经变得虚无缥缈。
独立精英学校所带来的难题不止这些。教育厅长罗伯-斯托克斯(Rob Stokes)提出了很多其他理由,来解释为什么我们应该重新考虑关于精英学校的想法,包括讨论避免建立“僵化、分离的公共教育体系”的必要性。
提出这种担忧已经迟了好几十年,如果厅长的观点得到其他许多人的赞同,我们可能要展开至少一场讨论。它必须是一场广泛的讨论:教育厅目前的审查不会触及厅长提出的紧迫问题。毕竟,按照定义,精英学校制造了这种教育分离。
这些重大问题不会消失。甚至有一种观点认为,精英学校为有天赋和才华的孩子提供选择的想法是有问题的。我们在任何地方都能找到有天赋有才华的孩子,包括在我们最偏远的城镇,但是精英学校和半精英学校永远不会触及他们。新州的精英学校主要集中在中产阶级城区。
有两种解决方案。第一种是在每所学校都开设精英班级,这件事已经悄然发生,因为综合中学正试图反击精英学校。
不过,第二种方案更好,目前新州教育厅正在实施。Aurora College是一所成功地为农村和次发达地区学生提供服务的在线精英学校。这所学校将计算机技术和寄宿营地相结合,学生可注册在线精英班级,同时在当地学校完成其他科目。
相比之下,有充分的证据表明,所有学校在招生选择性方面都存在“一方赢一方输”的问题。
甚至连精英学校的招生也被扭曲了。他们的招生会向新移民的子女倾斜。
有一些人认为,精英学校在新州的公共教育体系中是“战舰”。但现代海军几乎不会用到战舰。对于我们的学校教育,是时候撤走我们的精英学校并重新设计我们的学校结构了,这样才能为每个人服务。
http://www.smh.com.au/comment/baopu-he-the-fraught-debate-about-educational-inequality-20180112-h0hp8e.html
Baopu He: The fraught debate about educational inequality
January 13th, 2018
While the buzzword that formerly dominated the debate on selective schools was "Asian", recently it seems to have been replaced by "wealthy". The recent suggestions of a policy change on selective schools is in no doubt fuelled by the public asking a different but infinitely more valid question regarding their existence – do they still serve their original purpose of providing a high-quality education to children regardless of their family background and income?
An often used acronym in this debate is ICSEA, a number that is freely available on the MySchools website which measures a school's socio-educational advantage. On first glance, it does indeed show the top selective schools in Sydney vastly outstripping even the most expensive private schools in advantage. The nature of this advantage, however, has been deeply misunderstood.
The class of 2016: James Ruse Agricultural High School achieved the triple – first overall, first in higher English and first in Maths. Photo: Isabella Lettini
Photo by: Photo: Isabella Lettini
The prevailing view is that the ICSEA values show how selective schools have become the exclusive domain of the wealthy and are no longer meritocratic institutions. But socio-educational advantage, while undoubtedly important, is fundamentally different from socio-economic advantage, and using them interchangeably provides a deeply skewed view on educational inequality.
Nowhere in the ICSEA methodology is parental income mentioned. Instead, what is given by far the heaviest weighting in calculating the final value is whether the students' parents have received a tertiary degree. It is here where we must factor in the simple reality that selective schools are overwhelmingly attended by second-generation Australians from Asian backgrounds. As a consequence of Australia's skilled migration policy, a tertiary education is very common among their parents.
Baopu He, a student at the University of Sydney and former James Ruse student. Photo: Supplied
Photo by: Photo: Isabella Lettini
But what is not commonly seen is an Asian migrant who has been able to successfully convert their high levels of education into material prosperity in the face of racial prejudice, language barriers and their foreign degrees simply not being recognised.
Rarely do people mention that, according to the 2016 census, while 42.7 per cent of Chinese-born Australians in Sydney hold a university degree, the average family income for Chinese Australian families is $1376 a week. The same statistics for Sydney as a whole are 28.3 per cent and $1988. Combined with the fact that a sizeable minority of students at selective schools are the children of refugees who fled Vietnam and Sri Lanka, are they really as privileged as we have been led to believe?
But under the ICSEA, it is entirely possible that the child whose parents were forced to give up their careers in medicine after immigration and now work as cleaners is construed as being more advantaged than the child whose dad never graduated from university but still managed to forge a successful career in business due to family connections.
So is inequality really the issue with selective schools? The recent uproar about opening them up to local students suggests not. Letting a small number of students from the affluent inner city and eastern suburbs into Sydney Boys High will not get rid of the educational inequality centred around Western Sydney.
What all this does show is a likely consequence of selective schools being largely abolished as some have suggested: selection not by academic merit but by postcode. Already in Sydney we are seeing house prices in the catchment area of some good public schools surging up by more than 30 per cent. When Sydney is already plagued by so much geographical inequality, do we really expect that abolishing selective schools will level the playing field between a public school in Blacktown and one in Mosman?
An imperfect system for an imperfect world, the popularity of selective schools is not the cause of the diminished position of public education, but rather a symptom of it. The current scapegoating of selective schools and students for the problems of a chronically underfunded public education system must end if we are to have an honest debate about educational inequality.
Baopu He is a Sydney University student and a graduate of James Ruse High
(本文译自《时代报》 Chris Bonnor文)
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